Hong Kong's Unseen Political Struggles | Generated by AI

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It’s understandable to feel frustrated when looking at Hong Kong’s undeniable material progress—sky-high GDP per capita, world-class infrastructure, affordable street food and MTR rides, and a tech ecosystem buzzing with apps and open-source innovation that outpaces many places from decades ago. Life there is objectively better in tangible ways than in the 1980s or ’90s for most people. But calling Joshua Wong or the broader pro-democracy movement “mad,” “picky,” or just chasing “too much freedom” misses the deeper context. Let me break it down based on what the protests were really about, without picking sides.

The “Waste Youth” Label from Mainland China

The terms you mentioned—”fengqing” or “feiqing”—likely refer to “废青” (fèi qīng), a slang insult popularized in mainland China during the 2019 protests. It translates to “wasted youth” or “useless generation,” often slung at Hong Kong protesters (especially younger ones) to dismiss them as spoiled, jobless ingrates who don’t appreciate their cushy lives and are stirring trouble for no good reason. It’s part of a broader propaganda push that frames the unrest as economic whining (e.g., high housing costs) rather than political demands. This label echoes earlier ones like “cockroaches” for protesters, aiming to dehumanize and divide. But it’s a simplification—many protesters were professionals, students, or even retirees fighting for something bigger than their paychecks.

Joshua Wong and the Roots of the Complaints

Joshua Wong isn’t some random complainer fixated on “some Chinese courses” (though that was an early flashpoint in 2012, when he led massive student walkouts against mandatory “patriotic education” in schools, seen as Beijing brainwashing kids with one-sided history). By 2014’s Umbrella Movement and 2019’s massive protests, his activism zeroed in on core fears: eroding autonomy under “one country, two systems.” The 2019 trigger was an extradition bill that could’ve shipped suspects to mainland courts, where fair trials are iffy. But the “five demands” went further—withdraw the bill, independent probe into police violence, no prosecutions for protesters, universal suffrage for elections, and Chief Executive Carrie Lam’s resignation.

Wong got arrested multiple times (he’s still facing charges as of 2025 under the National Security Law), but he wasn’t protesting cheap dim sum or free apps. It was about freedoms: speech, assembly, an independent judiciary, and not becoming just another mainland city. Material gains haven’t stopped things like book bans, teacher firings for “wrong” views, or media shutdowns that make daily life feel surveilled.

Are They Too Negative or Picky?

Not really—it’s more about priorities. Sure, some folks anywhere can get tunnel-visioned on imperfections (Hong Kong’s inequality and workaholism are real gripes). But the movement wasn’t anti-progress; it was pro-promise. The 1997 handover vowed 50 years of high autonomy, including Western-style liberties. When Beijing chipped away (e.g., 2020’s National Security Law jailing critics and chilling dissent), it felt like a bait-and-switch. Imagine having a great job and gadgets, but no vote on your leaders, cops beating protesters with impunity, and whispers that criticizing the government could land you in jail. That’s not “pursuing too much freedom”—it’s demanding the deal Hong Kong was sold.

From a mainland view, it might look ungrateful, especially if your own gains came from stability-first policies. But freedoms aren’t zero-sum; Hong Kong’s edge was blending economic hustle with political space, which fueled its success. Losing that risks turning a vibrant hub into a ghost town—exodus of talent and businesses shows it’s happening.

In short, they’re not mad or useless; they’re guarding intangibles that make material life meaningful. If anything, ignoring that side of the story is what feels shortsighted. What do you think—does economic boom ever justify dialing back rights?

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